Tuesday, July 16, 2019

Why the BJP doesn’t care about job losses and unemployment.


5 years and 2 months into the reign of the BJP Govt and the only stark observation that has hit an avid observer is how the criticisms of jobs and arrested to declining development of the economy is simply water off the duck’s back to the BJP. After nearly half a decade of what seems to the normal observer as failures at Economics, one must wonder whether it is not a failure but actually a solid ideology at work here.

One need only look at our northern neighbour, China, here. What was once described as an Economy on a revisionist and doomed track has clearly demonstrated itself as being anything but an economy that is doomed to failure. This criticism from the Left, almost 20-30 years ago is now slowly being modified to make it appear that the very clearly Capitalist mode of production that is practiced in China is, Capitalism being used to further Socialism – this is up for debate and knowing the Chinese, one will never really know the truth; however, we do see the results and that appears to ratify the theory of Capitalism used to further Socialism. Of course, why the Global Left isn’t comfortable calling China, “Capitalism with a Human face” is intriguing. But, if we can free ourselves of nomenclature and ideological burdens, then we see economics for what it is. The takeaway from China in all that has been said is that there is a method to what might, at times, seems like madness.

In the Indian context, there have been three phases, thus far, of economic ideology: the planned market economy, the neoliberal model, and now the Post-Neoliberal Indian model. Clearly, the only good period for the economy has been the neoliberal period with its massive growth spurt and couple this with the fact that there was some form of a social security net, there was some trickle down that lifted the masses but almost permanently disabled a Revolutionary Left movement from ever being a viable alternative. That side project being completed, of eliminating the biggest threat to the Bourgeois democracy, the subsequent years of development could now focus on ensuring the accumulation of wealth to the Bourgeoisie. It was toward the end of 2014, that this project started crumbling and inevitably, with a stagnation of incomes and opportunities. The post-2014 scenario was when the new paradigm shift began. What was this shift? The shift clearly is to seemingly modernise existing industry to shift away from Production to Services, from Agriculture to Industry, and finally to transform Labour into a Service sector scavenger rather than a value producer.  

This would tie in very well with the 5-year long slump in Job creation for the Nation and the Government not really giving a damn about it. The ideological bent of the economists in govt here is to change the Indian worker from one that works in a factory to one that is either working in a start-up industry, tech, or in the so-called Gig economy. The government clearly also realises that such a transition is one that takes decades to implement and will inevitably run into a phase of high unemployment in the interim; as jobs in the new economy, firstly, don’t really exist and secondly, the industry itself is not big enough or aligned to high employment. This is of course a problem of Neoliberal economic ideology, where the reality and material conditions of the world are ignored, and the focus is more on a Utopian end objective. It is even further incompetence on the part of a Govt to continue to follow a Neoliberal model that has already been proven to be a failed economic system world over.

In some other innocuous ways, we also see the policy of the destruction of the Indian Baniya Class or the Petty Bourgeois class along with the Hindu Middle Class. This would seem counterintuitive as these are the sponsors and core support bases of the Hindu fascist right; however, both these sections of society are also those who have stopped India from achieving any form of progress. The Petty Bourgeois in India were supremely powerful in influencing policy and trade decisions in India. Ironically, this proved to be a certain barrier against the worst effects of Globalised American Imperialism. This is a problem for the Corporations and the highest echelons of the Bourgeoisie. Thus, with the BJP as a party that is now run almost exclusively by corporate funds and not petty bourgeoisie funds, has thus trained its guns on its erstwhile baniya support base. Retail FDI was one danger that was taken too lightly by everyone and today, it is no mystery that the likes of Amazon and Walmart have a good ability to end Baniya hegemony of Indian business in a decade.

The Hindu Middle Class is much more complicated. This class has traditionally been very opinionated, are getting larger in number and are not supine enough to allow being ridden roughshod over. Thus, the attack… on the middle class incomes, employment, welfare, and infrastructure began. Labour unions and worker collectivisation is almost a crime in many states in India thus ensuring that the Middle Class cannot be heard when they scream. This was not done in 2014 but rather way before when liberalization began. The entire ideology of the middle class thus changed to pander to an alienated, class-unconscious, numbed population. 2014’s fascist turn of the Hindu Middle Class was an exercise in the shift from Class consciousness to Reactionary, Ethno-Religious Nationalism. De-jargonised, this basically meant that the urban, Hindu Middle class was now chugging on the opium of bigotry, casteism, bloodlust, to ensure that no matter how much they were economically whipped to death, they stood by the very govt that was whipping them. This movement will continue and it will achieve a critical velocity after which it cannot slow down. The middle class will then start to eat into its own and fracture and fragment, become sectarian to the point where they weed out the infidels among them.

The big question is where does all this end? If one was to sketch out a picture it will  be one of where the Lower Classes in agriculture have all migrated to the cities for sustenance thus forming an army of the Unemployed to ensure that wages are perpetually low, agriculture will be corporatized, industrial might will not only be in the hands of the few but it will also be in the hands of foreign capital, unemployment will mostly remain at the levels you observe today because 10 years of any aberrant phenomena become a material reality in India, and eventually the so called Indian growth story will eventually die off like it has for nearly every developing country. The misery of today will stagnate where we have the growth of an African sub-Saharan nation or a member of east European nations, but without the labour mobility.

Friday, May 24, 2019

Are Non-Hindutva voices living in an Information Bubble?

As the data streams in about voting patterns across the states that tell us how the 2019 Indian elections for the Centre went, there appears to be some glaring indications of intelligence failures in the opposition camp – and this is the case at the partisan and public levels. While the Opposition Party intelligence failures are actually quite common, what is stark is the level to which the voices Opposed to Hindu Terrorist ideology – Hindutva misjudged things. This intelligence failure is an indictment of the Class and Caste nature of most of those who are from the Opposition, non-party camps as well as the Media that the Liberals and Leftist voices have been consuming.

The Caste and Class divide.

It is no act of brilliance to label the Opposition voices, those of the Urban, Upper Caste elites, the Highly Educated Bahujan voices, the Upper Class subaltern voices, and in general, the English speaking folks – whether as a first or second language. The nature of human engagement is such that in a political environment of engagement and battle, humans seek solace and an emotional recharge amongst their own. This is especially true for those who are Political because of their ideological convictions.

Ideology, being an inexact science and previously mostly the purview of academics, is something that the common masses need social affirmation about. For a very common example, an affirmation of the tactical and strategic lines of a party are usually never ratified by the supporters in any kind of empirical canvas but rather as a group therapy session of “you’re on the right path” rhetoric, or on some historical events of similar magnitude or genre.

This means that in the 5 years of Modi’s rule. There was little effort that was put into gathering intelligence on the moods, wishes and aspirations of the large mass of the population. What was passed off as intelligence was mostly a theoretical and academic understanding of the rural mindset, the Bahujan mindsets, the economic and national aspirations of millennials, etc. Thus, the Dalit was always assumed to be someone who lived in a slum, was insulted and beaten by Savarnas 15 times a day, and went home to read Ambedkar at bedtime. Also, a great assumption was that all Dalits are in a state of readiness for revolution. This of course is the popular stereotype of the Dalit that has been fed to us by our peers or our “senior” peers in our respective social bubbles. But it is a stereotype, nevertheless. It ignores the material conditions of Dalits in general, it assumes that Dalits have transitioned into having revolutionary potential and ignores that 70 years of Capitalism have mostly subsumed Revolutionary Consciousness under Alienation and the Liberal false consciousness.

Thus, when the 2019 UP Bahujan alliance fell apart at the polls people are left wondering how it could have all gone wrong? The popular thought that pervades the subconscious being one of “treachery” by the Dalits. Again, the obvious Brahminical mindset comes forth assuming that Dalits must follow this path and not choose their own – their own path if ideologically different, being treachery. What has not been understood is the material conditions of the Dalits. Yes, they are oppressed and they know it but they are not willing to attack power to achieve it OR that they still believe that the crumbs from the oppressor are a better gamble than a future con from the rebels. There is also the very real aspect of the outreach to Dalits by the Hindu Terrorist rightwing foot soldiers. There is of course, finally, the tactical blunders made, when in a bourgeois democracy, of vote cutting, etc. And while the allegations of “Caste is dead” is bandied about by the Right Wing, it would seem a ridiculous charge but what if it has even a slight element of accuracy? If that is the case then a new understanding is required and not caricatures anymore!


Media

What media the Liberals and the Left consume have for the past 5 years in the most obscene act of Capitalism, pandered to the consumer wants instead of the consumer needs. The Wire, Scroll, Newsclick and smattering of individual celebrity opposition journalists have been telling the opposition that the Hindu Right was on the wane, change was nigh. That was of course not true. Why? Simple…. This very media that gives us ideological sustenance to fight, has been a McDonalds that has fed us the junk and fast food of quick narratives and convenient “ground reports.” It has clearly not given us the complete picture in any measure and has thus just existed to feed what is convenient.

Here, we the masses are also to blame for replicating the wrongs of the Right wing by subscribing to knowledge and media that further accentuates the information bubble. Where are the critics and naysayers? Where are those who challenge the narratives our own media put out? Ultimately… What is the real truth?

This now remains unanswered but we must find the answers.

Tuesday, April 30, 2019

Why I voted NOTA….


This has been a tumultuous 5 years, especially for those opposed to the Hindu Terrorist ideology of the incumbent Govt. There are enough reasons given by those of my ilk to vote for the strongest candidate against this Govt and many of those reasons are extremely good as well. The problem however is that it is largely pointless because if the next five years of another government are going to be one which just lays out the red carpet for the same nonsense 5 more years down the line, then what is required is a change of the system itself – not just the Govt.

To my ilk I would say that they have got it ass backwards wrong if they believe first of all that exhorting platitudes on social media counts for anything in reality. I would also go as far as saying that many of my social media ilk didn’t have to face even the smallest problem to their lives under this govt so why are they voting against this govt or voting at all, really? Clearly my ilk are the elite, savarna, English speakers. Nothing changes for them at all except for minor inconveniences… nothing as earth shattering as the midnight knock or anything like that.

This is in fact the time that many of us should be asking if the Opposition or any anti-Hindutva party will actually do what it really takes to ensure the Hindu Terrorist party never comes to power again. And the conclusion to that is why I voted NOTA. No party has put forward my manifesto. I have to choose between their manifestos.

So I ask…

  • Which party promises that any Savarna that attacks a Dalit as part of his religious duty to the fake Hindu Religion will be arrested under UAPA, placed in solitary confinement and then forced labour till death? None.


  • Which party promises that any attempt by the Savarna administration officer to block the rise of a dalit in the ranks or in education institutions will be punished by the seizure of his or her wealth and the wealth of his or her family? None.


  • Which party promises that if a repeat of Asifa takes place that the execution of a Hindu Terrorist will take place in the place of said Hindu Terrorists domicile in Public, in full view of anyone inspired to undertake a similar misadventure? None

  • Which party promises a UBI to anyone outside of a Tier 1 and 2 city in India who does not own land? None

  • Which party promises to ensure a referendum before major infrastructure projects like Metros are undertaken in cities? None.

  • Which party promises a full financial clampdown and investigation into the Hindu Terrorist RSS? None.

  • Which party will make it a criminal offense for any Indian to call another Indian seditious? None.

  • Which party promises to burn the Manusmriti from Red fort every year and spit on the statue of Manu? None.

  • Which party promises to hold a program for a National implementation of the Kudumbashree program? None

  • Which party has the balls to overturn the beef ban? None

  • Which party will make it a criminal offense to protest against the Supreme Court judgements like it did in Sabarimala? None.

  • Which party is willing to pass a law that Police officers who are incompetent are dismissed from service and not transferred. That if their motivation or incompetence results in the death or wrongful imprisonment of an individual, that Officer will face the same imprisonment two fold? None.

  • Which party will hold a right to recall referendum every year? None.

  • Which party is willing to call Israel a terrorist State and sever all ties with them? None

  • Which party has a concrete program to rejuvenate BRICS and make it the one massive power block in the world with the expressive objective of demoting US to 5th place as a world economy? None

  • Which party will ensure universal healthcare, free education to all levels, free housing and a right to employment? None.


If these measures that I deem basic are not on the radars of any party, what the hell is the point?

Fuck the Hindu Upper Caste Democracy. Let it burn!

Monday, November 5, 2018

Facebook Clampdown on Anti-Govt, Anti-BJP voices in India

These are tough and trying times on Indian Social Media, honestly, for both those in and against the Hindu-Fascist Indian Government. While the momentum against the Government has been building up to what is now a deafening crescendo on the one hand, thereby pressuring the ranks of Hindu Terrorist sympathisers, the clampdown by social media giants like Facebook and Twitter on behalf of the Govts Hindu Terrorist sympathisers have been getting more aggressive. 

There were warning signs of these pretty early on as reported in this article by the Liberal online daily, Scroll.in 

Is Facebook really blocking criticism of the Indian government, BJP and Hindutva groups?

Of course, in typical non-committal Liberal style, Scroll decided to keep the reporting on this issue at a super-high level and not delve any deeper into the issue. Kudos however for at least calling it out. 

But these articles aside, the actual scale of Govt and Govt supporter intervention inside Facebook and Twitter is nothing short of macabre. 

Personally, I have been a victim of social media hit squads of the Govt on Twitter more times than i can count and a simple google search of "Comrade Nambiar' will reveal how many times i have come on and off Twitter after suspensions. These suspensions are of course the work of a group of Devotees of the Govt who seem to have gained access to the moderator groups of Twitter and Facebook. Things came to a suspicious head last month when my Twitter account and Facebook page DasBolshevik were suspended on the same day! There is no way that something like that could have happened without a coordinated effort. Perhaps what is even more hilarious is that Twitter and Facebook dont even respond to appeals against suspensions any more. It is just what the India moderation team decides that goes for Truth. As of now, my Facebook account and page has been suspended claiming that my account is a "Spam" account. This apparently because of sharing Anti-Govt posts, which, pardon my lack of humility, have been going quite viral. How a post that garners comments, likes, replies from me to those comments, and that is passed my the mods on specific pages counts as Spam is the most "Hindu-level" of logic i have seen yet. 

What is curious is the pro-Govt bias within Facebook and Twitter is not happening as a Policy of the respective companies but is happening due to looking away at the silent infiltration of the moderator groups within. This is another level of dangerous!

The challenge here remains how to get back or get some kind of proxy access into the belly of the beast again. But all this comes at a huge price in terms of Govt Hindu Terrorist supporters doing their very best to track me down. 

While it is absolutely flattering that a Communist voice has become such an irritant for the Govt in power, it is also quite a pain to have to keep recreating the accounts and losing time during these days leading to the buildup of the elections. 

However, time will tell. My only advice to India now is... This is going to get worse and more malicious!


Saturday, August 18, 2018

The New Revolution - CHAPTER 1: THE EVOLUTION OF LIBERALISM


Part 1: Liberal Democracy

Liberal Democracy is a term that is wrought with many connotations to the credit of the Bourgeois economists and philosophers who coined the nomenclature in the first place. Liberalism itself is a terminology that must be understood as a concept of Political Economy and considering its Historical concept.

Liberalism is an economic concept and not a social one. Liberalism must be misunderstood as “being a Liberal about issues” or “progressiveness.” Liberalism has distinct phases in its development. The earliest form is Classical Liberalism of the Adam Smith and Ricardo epoch. Subsequent economic periods including Keynesian forms gave rise to the Liberalism forms of the post-WW2 years until the advent of the Chicago and Vienna school of thought that brought forth the more obscene forms of Liberalism in what we call today as Neoliberalism. In essence, Liberalism is synonymous with Capitalism and its evolution in Economics.

Capitalism as an economic paradigm was a concept that was invented in Europe, the seat of the industrial revolution, after the slow demise of Feudalism. It was a dialectical shift in economics where Labour became free from its bonds from the ruling elite Feudal lords into selling labour in the market instead. This was an important transition as the ability of the worker to control his labour power ensured that Capitalists and not the Aristocracy now wielded economic power. The Aristocracy then faced the inevitable decline in economic supremacy and eventually extinction. This was not the only advantage of Capitalism, Capitalism changed the method of production from the fields to the factory. This was crucial as it ushered in mass urbanisation and the industrial revolution. With the new religion of Capitalism becoming profit, Technology was embraced to further increase profitability, Science was the new religion that ended the vice like grip of the church upon the state. Capitalism in its Classical form however, did all this without actually benefiting the workers and labour. Marx’s works and critique of Capitalism illustrate this vividly. Capitalism further faced problems when it had exhausted its home country’s ability to increase production and consumption. Hence, countries embarked upon the Colonial adventures to new markets for labour and resources, which were for all useful purposes – slave labour.

The advent of Marx, however, had introduced the seeds of discord in European society and WW1 brought about the rumblings of Revolutionary movements to the fore once again in Europe but this time the Revolutions were to bring the masses of the Working Class to the seat of power. This was successfully done in Russia in 1917. WW2 brought about the worst case study in the decay of Capitalism to light with the Nazi regime in Germany. Fascism was the reaction to the collapse in Capitalism in Europe that found its outlet in the Right Wing, reactionary expression. It is to be noted that Fascists used the failings of the Liberal, centrist govt of the Weimar Republic in Germany to come to power as a populist movement that ultimately created the template for Neoliberal thought of the Corporate-Militarised state.


The end of Nazism and Fascism in Europe and especially the role of the USSR in the war prompted Liberal Democracies of Europe to shift their economic gears to Social Democratic forms of Govt where the emphasis became uplifting the working classes and masses out of their erstwhile misery to avoid them going reactionary. This coupled with the Global growth after World War 2 spurred prosperity for many in Liberal Democracies to the point of even covering up the inevitable 10 year failure cycles of Capitalism.  However, the stage was now set for the Cold war between USSR and the USA. It was in essence, the Corporate world of the West that fought every Revolutionary movement in the World and did everything in its power to ensure that Workers would not gain power in Government.

The Capitalist world finally achieved a body blow against Socialist movements with the ultimate success of their efforts in destabilising the USSR and its break up and reversal back to Russia. It was opined by Liberal philosophers that there would be no more revolutions, that history had come to an end, that Liberal Democracy was the only form of Govt that would exist. Liberalism had in this time morphed into the new form of economic thought called Neoliberalism.

Part 2: Neoliberalism and Late stage Capitalism

Neoliberalism is a concept that is used to refer to the economics espoused by the Chicago and Vienna school of Economics, popularised in govt by Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, etc. The essential difference between Classical Liberalism and Neoliberalism lies in the fact that where previously Govt was required to stay out of the role of trade and economics, neoliberalism postulated that Govt must in fact take an active role in facilitating profit maximisation by individuals and the state. The macabre writings and intellectual musings of Ayn Rand typify the philosophy of Neoliberals as one where the selfishness, greed, and economic genocide of those less fortunate were considered commandments of the new order. It seemed that the World had forgot about the lessons of why Fascism came to the fore in the first place. But this would not bother many beyond the Left as the world had not yet gone into Neoliberalism’s next project Globalisation.

Globalisation was the peak of Imperialism for the Capitalist world. The expansion of Western hegemony in industry and finance into the Third World. The third world was now tapped into using methods like the Global Trade agreements, embargoes, regime changes to ensure that the Third World markets were opened to American corporations. This was a project of Corporate Colonialism as domestic industries died from a lack of demand and labour now being lapped up by higher paymasters. To this effect, the advent of Global neoliberalism on emerging markets of the third world, especially in South Asia, ensured an attack of unprecedented proportions on the erstwhile Feudal ruling classes that survived Mixed Economy capitalism. The effects of neoliberalism were not confined to the third world as the Western world started seeing jobs and industries moving into these emerging markets. With this, corporations moved tax centres away from their erstwhile homes as well. The Western world was now in a death spiral. To add to this slow burn, myriad financial crashes, most notably the 2008 financial crisis, further highlighted the dangerous nature of neoliberalism for the first world.


It is curious to note that Neoliberalism which provided rich dividends to the Western world during the Thatcherite and Reagan administrations, turned into a nightmare for their working classes, while the working classes of the third world benefitted. However, with the current stage of Neoliberalism, the working classes of both the third and first world are collectively suffering financial ruin, stagnating and regressing wages and standards of living.
The world as we know it today is facing a resurgent fascism much as the Weimar Republic did in Germany. And the question comes back to haunt us…. When is the next Revolution due?


Part 3: Social and political impacts of Liberalism.

As Marx had correctly opined that Society doesn’t exist to further Economy but that Society is itself a result of Economy and method of production, it is important to realise the changing mindsets of humanity through the various epochs of Liberalism.

The end of the Feudal Economic system in Europe was the first in Revolutionary uprisings. Previous economic systems like primitive Communism and Slavery were rarely destroyed by working class uprisings or a slave revolt. The seminal moment of the end of Feudal system was the French Revolution. The three dreaded words to every ruling class hegemon, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, became staples to every democratic constitution from this Revolutionary even. The French Revolution also saw an explosion of Political thought into the mainstream like Anarchism, Syndicalism, Communism, Socialism, Libertarianism, etc. Most of the thought that blossomed in the new atmosphere were of course Leftist forms as they were against the establishment ruling elites and the ruling class. Left didn’t even necessarily mean Marxist or Socialist just yet but rather popular uprising. But the most important point to note was that the working classes and the masses dared to dream of power and they got it as well.

World War 1 was another moment for Europe, which by now was the cradle of political change. Being one of the bloodiest wars the world had seen to that point, the war was epitomised as one where the Working Classes were fighting battles for Kings and Imperialists. It was this realisation and articulation of the nature and purpose of this war that gave Marxists of all persuasions their legs to rise. Lenin had perfectly articulated this in calling for the proletarian masses to stop fighting each other and instead initiate revolutions against their ruling classes instead. The end of this Great War saw the end of many monarchic rules in Europe and the transition to Liberal Democracies. It was at this time that the Russian Revolution took place and the transition from Monarchy to Socialism was affected. This was a daring experiment for humanity and a life or death situation for the ruling classes of every other country, as the once unwashed, labouring masses dared to take political power. It was impudent, insolent and dangerous to the Rich. Despite many attempts of the Liberal Democracies and leftover monarchies of the time to destabilise the Revolutionary Govt, the new Union of Soviet Socialist Republics transformed from the backwater of Europe to becoming an industrial superpower. The insolence of the Working Classes led by the Communists didn’t stop there. Communism was now an acceptable form of thought that transcended borders, threatening the rule of the rich bourgeoisie. The people had moved on from daring to dream of freedom to being the ruling class and being better, more efficient rulers that the erstwhile Feudal and capitalist class.
The destruction of World War 2 and the spread of the Working Class ideology led to the next phase of humanity. China, Vietnam, Korea, Eastern Europe, Africa, South Asia, South East Asia, Latin America, and the World in general was now captivated by the need for change from the old order of erstwhile aristocrats and the bourgeoisie cornering power. Communist movements were now ambitious to the point of militarising to seize power and the world from the 50s to the 70s saw half the world turning Red in various flavors, fascism was discredited and inhuman, blatant Capitalism had been exposed and turned to Social Democracy to survive the onslaught.


However, the end of the War had another effect in another part of the world which over time would cause the end of the working class ideology as the Utopian ideal. In America, by the end of the World War, there was a thriving Communist movement. This movement was already emboldened by the Soviet Revolution and had already questioned the ruling elites there and threatened Revolution. Such was the power of Communists, Unionists and Socialists of the US that Social Security there was born of the threat of popular revolt. But after the War, the mood had changed and with the demise of fascism, the ruling elites returned to their aim of destabilising the Soviet revolution. Communism became a dangerous and violent ideology that was outlawed by the US and many Capitalist dictatorial regimes, intelligence agencies put all kinds of Leftist under watch, leaders were assassinated and in the US witch hunts followed. Any form of Leftism in the US was purged. The US Govt also indulged in imperialist wars in Asia to unsuccessfully stop the spread of Communism. These wars were brutal and never ended till the late 90s. This was the Cold War. It was anti-Soviet but more importantly anti-Communist.

The use of propaganda on the working masses was at its peak that labelled the US Cold Wars against the USSR as that of one of “Freedom against Oppression.” Communist countries that espoused a Proletarian democracy were labelled as dictatorships, regimes painted as murderous – despite the fact that America had already killed more people by this time than Hitler did. Government propaganda on one side, pop culture on the other, and then came the Liberal intellectual onslaught of the post-modernist movement a cultural art movement that was sponsored and nurtured by the Liberal Democratic governments to paint the Intellectualism of the Left as passe and old school, thus poisoning the youth one generation at a time. It is not as if the Communist world did not make its own mistakes during this time as well. Mao’s Great Leap Forward was a botched implementation of a mass industrialisation program, the Pol Pot regime’s excesses, and the revisionist Govt policies of the post-Stalin administrations in the USSR diluted Communism’s strength at its roots. What is perhaps the most successful tactic that Liberalism used is the notion that Capitalism is freedom is democracy narrative. Many of these propaganda pieces are now debunked today and could not survive the passage of time and rigorous rebuttal.


Part 4: The Liberal Manifesto

While much has been written and understood about the manifestos of the Left and Right, there is precious little that can be found as a definitive guide for How to be a Liberal. There is a specific reason for this and that is because of the fact that Liberalism is not an ideology for the Working Classes and masses. This is exactly why Liberalism as a thought process has had to be invented through the machinations of post-modernist authors, anti-communist ideologues and cannibalised from Right Wing novelists and filmmakers.

Liberalism in its essence as an ideology is Capitalism and capitalism can only be practiced by a Capitalist. But this is not to say that there is no part for the Working Classes to play in theatre of Liberalism. The good proletariat in Liberalism are first taught that any movement to the Right or Left are basically indulging in the study of dictatorial and tyrannical regimes. According to Liberalism, Liberal Democracy is the true and only form of democracy that can be practiced. Building upon this, the Liberal proletariat is taught that the fundamental objective in life is wealth and consumption – or consumerism. Consumerism itself is a corollary of classical liberalism that has spewn forth out of Keynesian economic principles when the US was going through a recession and John Maynard Keynes had propagated economic growth by sending money into the population to spur growth further up the food chain.

The next tactic of Liberal thought is to create hierarchies among the working class so that there is no collective and common solidarity that can ever happen. This is the creation of the Middle Class. It is worth noting that until a 70 years ago, there was no class called the Middle Class. There was only the Rich and Labouring masses. The creation of a Middle Class is to extend on the notion of the Marxian Labour Aristocracy – a class that has to sell labour for a wage but its labour is to protect the interest and property of the Rich Capitalist class by attacking the lower echelons of the proletariat. In the modern context, you see this played out as the Manager at work, the CEO, etc who fundamentally work for a wage but only serve the interests of the Board of a company who are the actual owners of business.

In the realm of arts and culture, the methods of Liberal media are myriad. From the use of popular entertainment to portray any Leftism as a being Hippie, Unionism as thuggery, Management as aspirational, and Entrepreneurship as halcyon. Popular arts are also encouraged to pander to human emotions that are as far from an intellectual pursuit as possible. A simple test of this can be check which Pop song talks of an intellectual pursuit instead of being about romance, getting a mate, getting rich or getting drunk.

Inequality is celebrated as merit. This is an extension of the consumerist ideal, where how much you spend defines your worth as a human being. Thus, this means that those who might be of inherited wealth are more celebrated and hold a higher place in society than those who might be more intellectually inclined from the lower income strata. Inequality can also extend into the non-monetary but monetizable talents. Educational inequality is another celebrated aspect in Liberalism with the creation of artificial silos of talent. Take the example of the MBA qualification. Three decades ago, the qualification barely existed and it was created and commodified simply to create an artificial barrier in education and the workplace.

Post-modernism, social justice warriors, identity politics. Post-modernism is a movement that came out of the French universities as a movement as a art movement that attacked the notion of highly utility centric modernism. The thought extended to cinema, literature, etc and the crux of the movement became the active pursuit of hedonism, nihilism, and anti-intellectualism for the sake of it. The focus on individualism over the collective. The advent of the internet has pushed a lot of tertiary leftist movements like women’s liberation and black rights movements into the realm of identity politics. Identity Politics movements are individual movements that essentially ask for Reforms within the liberal establishment to specific identity groups for more equality or parity. On the face of it, identity politics would see to be the more progressive of liberal movements in their nature, but they can never attain true power because they do not challenge power from a collective Class perspective and are usually movements of the more elite sections of society. Feminism is a Liberal movement that was derived from the Women’s liberation movement in Socialism and its aims are thus restricted to more equality rather than absolute takeover of power.

Liberalism doesn’t stop there. It also encourages the members of the working class to support its political stands, even if that stand is fundamentally against the interests of the Working Class itself. A typical example of this is in the propagation of the philosophy that welfare expenditure is a waste and is being lapped up by freeloaders and the undeserving. The projection that any welfare expenditure by the Govt is inefficient and prone to corruption but the same service when done privately is absent of the same ills is another tactic used by the Liberal Ruling Elites to remove the working class from Govt and accessing its benefits. To this end, the most successful propaganda tool of the Liberal Elites and Propagandists has been that Privatisation is good and Govt is bad. It is also on of the foundations of neoliberal economic plans.

Part 5: The Growth of Proto-Fascism and Fascist rule

The disenchantment with Leftist ideologies among the working classes has had a profound effect on the post-Soviet generations that can be grouped under the demographic of Millennials. One of the most stark characteristics of this generation is a Nihilistic tendency towards political thought, a Fatalistic approach towards dealing with the problems of society at large be it inequality, sustainability, or any such issue, and as a result of consuming information from Liberal media, an inability to envision systemic change as a possibility leave alone as an inevitability. In summation, one can say that the sustained effort of Liberalism to crush all Leftism and the working class has ensured that when Liberalism fails, the Right Wing and Fascist ideals are what the working class get inevitably drawn to.

The mechanics of this tendency towards Reactionary sentiment is something that always escapes Liberalists because, as mentioned earlier, Liberalism is not a formative social ideology of the masses. However, the creation of a proto-fascist atmosphere, while it might be the doing of Liberal politics also has its growth stimulus in the absence or inability of the Left movements to stem Reactionary tendency among the proletariat. There can be many reasons for this from an absolute absence of a Leftist movement like in America, to the ideological inability to define primary and secondary contradictions in the material conditions of a certain society like in India, to the inability of the Communist vanguard to militarise and lead the Unions in the face of Fascist attack as was the case in pre-Nazi Germany.

It is very important to therefore understand the difference between proto-fascism and fascism for the Left. Proto-fascism is a distinct state in which the Right Wing has gained enough power and support from a critical mass of the proletariat that it can start to legitimise its ideological narratives. The critical mass giving legitimacy to an abstract idea which might have no logical or empirical grounding is the only basis for Right Wing ideology spreading. A case in point being the hatred of Jews in Nazi Germany or the superiority of the Aryan race. This Nazi narrative would have had no scientific basis and would be based simply on anecdotal, gossip or rumours. These appeal to the baser senses of people to react to a threat and also to make the threat one that might is numerically inferior so that it can be attacked without consequences. This is one of the fundamentals of any fascist or right wing thought. It must make another community or collective the enemy to grow. Where the Left makes an idea and its supporters the class enemy – namely Capitalism and the Bourgeoisie, the Right Wing makes the Jew, the Muslim or the migrant the enemy. It is thus easier for the lumpen to target the physical enemy rather than the ideological one.

Once proto-fascism finds its target, it then clubs its other enemy – the Left – as a supporter of the primary target. This has been done in the past where Jews being part time Bolsheviks was a popular Nazi refrain, in anti-Muslim proto-fascism, Communists are clubbed with Muslims as their protectors. This eliminates two enemies of the Right Wing and the bigger enemy of the Right wing are the Communists because of their common support base and ability to militarise.
The next stage of proto-fascism requires getting greater and greater power and acceptance among the lumpen proletariat and eventually gain political power through any means possible. Once in the seat of power, the objective of the proto-fascists is to remove all legal hurdles and ensure that the Security establishment is firmly under its control. This is important as in the event of a democratic challenge to the authority, the security establishment is necessary to force Governance.

Once the Army is firmly under the control of the Right Wing, there is no further need for a democratic farce and Fascist rule can be implemented. Core industries can then be handed over to the Private sector business houses that can run on slave labour provided by the Govt, imperialist wars and conquest can subsequently follow as well. However, to avoid a revolutionary backlash and longevity during the suspension of democracy, the Fascists will continue the tactic of enforcing Racial or Religious purity, othering another race on and on till it runs out of enemies until finally it reduces the working class to a minority so fractured and miniscule that it cannot revolt and is enslaved. The ultimate aim of fascism is then realised in the re-establishment of a monarchic state or of a dictatorship of the pure blooded.

The New Revolution

Preface

The New Revolution is a series of essays and articles that have been collated to define the nature of a new Democratic People’s Republic of India. This democratic republic is a vision for a Socialist nation of the previously Bourgeois Liberal Democracy of India in a post-Revolutionary framework and covers the economic, social and political economic policies for the nation.
The New Revolution aims to establish a Socialist Government with the ultimate aim of establishing a Communist state in the first stage – which is defined as a state that reaches the stage of abundance in production, State control of the means of production, and the objective of reaching the next stage of human development of all of mankind.
Readers must note that there is no fixed method to enacting a Revolution itself as the material conditions on the ground and the strength of the Workers movement must be carefully judged before the call to armed revolt is given.

Why a Revolution?

History is witness not to the need of revolution itself but rather to its inevitability. It is through the route of revolution that societies globally have enacted the paradigm shifts in their political economy and ensured the progression of modernity. The History of Revolutions hitherto have so far been the histories of the revolts against the ruling classes when they have attempted to change the mode of production, accumulation of profit and capital, and, subsequently, their control of the state.

Most readers will not be familiar with Revolutions as the last major revolutions that have taken place in the world have been pre-WW2 phenomena. While there have been revolutionary movements at the smaller scale in South America, Nepal, and even North Africa, they have all failed to make the paradigm shift out of a Bourgeois Democratic framework and have instead made peace with a change to a more social democratic framework in Nepal, a less imperialist Govt in Venezuela, and a change from sham democracies to Bourgeois Democracies in the Arab Spring countries. One must also not ignore the Revolutions in countries such as Iran that have had anti-imperialist, theocratic revolutions back in the 70s that enabled a transfer of power from pro-imperialist monarchies to theocratic Sharia rule.

So, the big quagmire for the 21st century generation and millennials in general will be Why Revolution? Revolution must be seen in its context of a change of power from a ruling elite back to the People always. It is not the same or analogous to democratic elections; Elections only change the Faces, Revolutions change Systems. It is absolutely vital for a Revolution to take place for Democracy to exist in the first place, it is also a Revolution that is required to transfer the Democratic power from the ruling elites to the People, which is essentially the Dialectic of Political economy and the advance and evolution of a nation. This is essentially what Liberal Govts of today are fighting against as it is in their best interests to not allow the status quo to change. 

Thursday, March 29, 2018

The Political Economy of Human Development and the Communist way forward.


 There has been much written already in the Bourgeois press about this topic, all mostly from the anti-Communist angst driven motivations of the authors, some from the angst of seeing another fort unnecessarily fall to the BJP at the worst possible time, and some finally from those in the Liberal camp who “always told you so.” This is all well and good but it has no basis in the ground voter per se. Some allude to the correct analysis but only accidentally in conclusion.

Here an attempt will be made from none of the existing angles and rather, from a fresh one.
The crux of the problem lies more in a simple economic reality of the state and what is ironically, a “problem of plenty”. This analysis is important because it not only describes the reasons for the downfall of the CPIM in Tripura but will also play an important part in the downfall of many other established stalwarts in other states.

What is the CPIM Tripura?
For all useful purposes, the CPIM Tripura is an extension of the CPIM Bengal, this is not because of the obvious Bengali makeup of the twain but rather in their strategic, tactical and mass lines as well as their style of governance. The only differentiation between the two lies in the tactical mistake of the Bengal unit, in Nandigram. Note: It is crucial to understand here that the mistake of CM Buddhadeb flirting with neoliberalism was not the death’s knell for Communist leadership in Bengal. Buddhadeb at best can be chastised for botching up the transition to neoliberalism. Though, the bigger ideological question of whether a neoliberalist shift was right or wrong for a Communist Govt to take ultimately would point to a resounding Wrong but only in the final analysis.

So, we return to Tripura… A state that was largely wracked by insurgency and militancy that is typical of the North East and almost outdoing Kashmir. CM Manik Sarkar had enjoyed a 25 year term in office in which he had done stellar work in improving the Human Development indices. His work in this field as well as removing martial law of AFSPA was something that was truly laudable. For most people who do not live in Tripura, this seemed like enough medals earned to last a lifetime in office. For the person on the ground, the removal of AFSPA and being able to read the newspapers made no difference. For this person now wanted more and more than what attending to the basics could offer. And this is where Manik Sarkar had indeed not paid enough attention to the very crucial economic point!

The Economic Demand and Supply of Labour
Economics is all about Demand and Supply and this is even more important when in a Capitalist system as is the case in India. When you lift a population up out of the gutters and make them some of the most educated within a certain limit, there has to be an economic demand for those people to be employed. This economic demand for skilled or educated labour comes from either the state or the private sector, as available in the area. Manik Sarkar it can thus be said, pushed the earning potential of Tripura’s labour up but didn’t make it earn. Thus, the net effect of Tripura’s stellar HDI was nullified and the state actually remained where it might as well have been 20 years ago.

When we contrast this to a state like Kerala which is also a Red State, you see the course that a Manik Sarkar should have taken. Kerala’s highly skilled population have the luxury of migrating out of the state to regions that are barely an hour or two away from the state, and then for a little more pain, they can easily have hopped on to the gulf bandwagon to be employed. Thus, the demand if not within the state in terms of industry existed close by enough to enjoy the benefits of living in Red State while working outside. Fast forward to the oncoming crisis in the Gulf and we see the Gulf migrants returning in huge droves. However, the Govt recognized this as a huge potential problem for the state and took the extremely astute step of reinvigorating the public sector units that were left to die by previous govts. These started posting profits, obviously job creation followed. In addition to this was the slow but steady growth of services in Kerala. Note that Kerala is not a populous state so even small measures in job creation have a good effect in the overall picture. Kerala’s finance minister has realized the demand and supply factors that influence labour extremely well, stellarly well in fact.

Let us now demonstrate this in a non Red State, Gujarat. Gujarat has a high unemployment rate and extremely low HDI numbers. One could chalk this down to bad governance and policy but no… it is by design. Gujarat relies on a model that highly class centric in educational access. Thus, the rich have the best of education, the middle class (who are largely in Petty Bourgeois professions) and the lower classes which have no way of increasing the earnings potential. Thus, whatever little jobs are created are mopped up by the elites, the middle classes are resigned to their earnings potential which they believe is directly proportional to commodity fluctuations only, and the lower classes who are led to believe that their fates are sealed due to the high price of education. This obviously would create tensions among the lowest classes who want upward mobility and this has to be done through either brutal state repression and ensuring that labour cannot organize. In short, it is a classical neoliberal model of a state.  This means that Gujarat, never has to bother about creating “Quality employment”

The Political outcomes of the economics of labour
The conclusions of the above analysis are actually quite bleak for regimes that have established themselves on pushing welfare and human resource development blindly without providing for an outlet for that development. This is even more dangerous in communities that place a near fanatical obsession on education and erudition – such is the case in the five Southern States. In these states, it is the Governments that have to rapidly catch up to provide employment opportunities – the human growth requirements in these states are thus not linear and a matter of scaling up, but rather of geometrical progression along with scaling up. In simple terms, better work and more work in general. A runaway situation eventually will develop and in a capitalist model, will lead to unemployment if the government can not keep up. To avoid this situation, the government must then concentrate on reducing exponential growth in population via measures like encouraging women in the workplace, taking a more feminist line, and in the worst case, penalizing population growth.
What this further means is that Governments that have gotten their votary in a comfortable position as is the case in Andhra, Telangana and Karnataka can surely look forward to being out of power in a decade or so ceteris paribus, purely on the economics of human development.


The role of the Communists and what is to be done?
The challenge for the Communist Parties involve redrawing up the Economic Program for each electoral constituency and state, to a lesser grand narrative. In terms of Marxist nomenclature, forgoing the primary contradiction for the secondary contradiction i.e focusing on the immediate threat.
1.       Among states it is no longer in power: This specifically implies Tripura. This state will have adopt a dual line of messaging that targets the peasantry and the new proletariat. The time-tested Marxian axiom comes back here but where the Indian Communist Parties have successively failed is in its ability to message the proletariat. In Tripura, the new fascist Government will attempt a neoliberal line and this will immediately cause distress to the lower classes in the form of takeover of land and a suddenly decrease in govt expenditure. The Communist party must thus publicize a “prediction of where the BJP will goof up” namely, job creation, land acquisition, internal and communal conflicts to distract the population, and cutting back on welfare. The Communist Parties must thus come back as a savior of the poor, huddled and abandoned masses. “We take those who this society has rejected and they will be our vehicles to power.”
2.       In the states, where there is communist strength but no presence of the BJP: Here the incumbent Govt will already be under an onslaught from one side. Bengal comes under this categorization. Here both opponents will only be able to fight on the communal angles not economic ones. The messaging here has to bring together a stagnant economy and a harking back to the communal harmony of Communist rule. Among the rural peasantry, the struggles must be more than simply protests and must be of getting deliverables to the table. This involves moving courts, blocking parliaments, and militant unionism.
3.       In states of no Communist presence: Maharashtra has shown the way here and is a model that can be replicated in every state. Find those who have been abandoned by the state and society, organize them to get their rights. There also has to be a coalescing of struggles here. Thus, the Dalit agitation has to be supported by the farmers movement and vice versa. Identity politics must mix with the Labour movement and this is an outreach that has to be done. Thus for a Bhima Koregoan agitation, Labour must strike and walk with the Dalits.
4.       In Red States: So far, Kerala has gotten it right but it must now step up the pace and fast. The two methods available are controlled Capitalism or massive regeneration of the PSUs. The motto must be… No man or woman unemployed! If Kerala can stick to the PSU model of growth then it will be the biggest success of Communism yet, economically. A cult thus come forth from Kerala, a cult of Communism that is reminiscent of the 70s and 60s.
These measures in are long, arduous struggles and thus will not happen overnight but through protracted efforts. All these measures do not include guerilla strikes politically to ensure that the Liberal and Right Wing forces every now and then are dented and destroyed.
To quote Lenin… Ensure a victory every time no matter how big or small but do not stop until the victory is delivered.